Tracing God's Providence: After the Fall of the Berlin Wall - Day 3
Series 7 — God's Providence After the Fall of the Berlin Wall1:33:30YouTube FFWPU UK
RLTP Series 7
Transcript
Edited for readabilityIf we go back a little bit to the end of the First World War, there was the Conference of Versailles where the victors, that was the United States, France, the UK, and some other countries like Japan, were involved in deciding on a peace settlement. Germany and Austria would normally have been invited and had the expectation that they would also participate in this conference, but for various reasons, they weren't allowed to participate and were just handed down the results. Part of that was the division and breakup of the Ottoman Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the reallocation and redrawing of many borders within Europe. Germany got smaller, and that's just the way it is when you win a war. If someone attacks you and you defeat them, the result is a loss of land and control, and whoever wins the war decides where the new borders are going to be and divides things up as they see fit. The Ottoman Empire was divided up, and at that time, the Arabs were represented because they were also involved in the fight against the Ottomans for independence. An agreement was signed between Faisal, who was in charge of Mecca, Medina, and Saudi Arabia, and Weizmann, who was a scientist given the Balfour Declaration and later became the first president of Israel. They signed an agreement to cooperate.
In 1920, the League of Nations gave Britain the mandate to administer Palestine and established a Jewish homeland. The Balfour Declaration was issued, which made certain promises towards the Arabs as well. The League of Nations allocated this area to be administered by Britain to establish a Jewish homeland, called Israel. Several important things about this: the Jews didn't invade and conquer Palestine; they didn't drive out the Palestinians living there and take control of that land. This land was actually allocated by the international community, as all the nations of the world that represented the League of Nations agreed that there should be a Jewish homeland established there and that Britain should facilitate this under a mandate. It wasn't a British colony; there was a mandate given to Britain by the League of Nations to administer this land for this particular purpose. The establishment of Israel was recognised as a legal entity by the League of Nations, meaning the international community felt that the Jewish people needed their own homeland.
The Faisal-Weizmann agreement signed in 1919 committed both parties, the Arabs and the Jews, to conduct all relations between the groups with cordial goodwill and understanding. They were to work together to encourage large-scale Jewish immigration into Palestine while protecting the rights of Arab peasants and tenant farmers and safeguarding the free practice of religious observances. Muslim holy places, particularly the Temple Mount, were to be placed under Muslim control. Up until today, the Temple Mount is still under Muslim control. The idea was that the Zionist movement would assist Arab residents of Palestine and the future Arab state to develop their natural resources and establish a growing economy. Under the Ottoman Empire, all these different Arab lands were incredibly poor, impoverished, and underdeveloped. Weizmann realised that if they invited many Jews to come and live there, they could bring education, financial acumen, and help support the economic development of Arab countries and lands.
The agreement that Britain made with the Arabs in 1917 was that there would be a single Arab state. However, the reality is that it was broken up into Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Kuwait, and different parts. There was a recognition by many Arabs that they needed the knowledge, wisdom, skills, financial acumen, and capital investment coming from Jewish people. Land was purchased by Jews from absentee Arab landowners. Much of the land we call Palestine was owned by Arabs, but many of the Arabs who owned the land didn't live there; they lived elsewhere, and there were tenant farmers. They purchased a lot of this land from these absentee Arab landowners. People like Rothschild financed the acquisition and purchase of a lot of land. In reality, very few Jews emigrated; life in Europe was much better economically for Jews than it was in Palestine. Very few Jews emigrated to Israel from Palestine at that time.
This is some of the land that was purchased in 1909, which was the founding meeting for Tel Aviv. Jewish people contributed money to buy this land, and on that desert, they built Tel Aviv, which is an incredibly modern city. Instead of Rothschild, they bought a lot of land and started an agricultural institute, which was part-funded by them. My own family is wrapped up in a lot of this history. My great-grandfather was one of the founders of Petah Tikva, which was the first new Jewish settlement in the Holy Land around 1870 or 1880. He was a Torah scholar and a Talmud scholar, a very religious person who spent a lot of time in the synagogue. He also became involved in farming and was one of the people who planted many orange groves. You might have heard of Jaffa oranges; he was one of the main people behind planting those orange groves, turning a desert into a garden.
This is my family history. My mother, my grandmother, and my great-grandfather's family were involved in establishing this settlement. My great-grandfather's first wife was involved in driving off Arabs who attacked the settlement in 1920-21. Sadly, she fell off her camel and died during that time. My great-grandfather's first wife died fighting against the Arabs who were trying to drive them off the land they had bought. There were also many intermarriages at that time; it wasn't like it is today. My grandfather was an English Christian who went to British Mandate Palestine as a policeman and served in the Palestine police from 1920 to 1948. There was a lot of intermarriage between Jews and Christians, and Jews and Palestinians, creating a very cosmopolitan and fluid society in those days.
After Israel became an independent state, relationships between Palestinians and Jews changed, making it difficult for them to continue living in Israel. Many emigrated to the United States, where they still live. Another one of my great aunts moved to France and married a French Jew. During the Nazi period, my mother's cousin became a communist and joined the French resistance, actively fighting against the Nazis. In 1943, she was arrested by the Gestapo and shipped off to Auschwitz, where she unfortunately survived, but I never got to meet her. This is a bit of personal history. My grandfather was English and went to Palestine, where Britain had a huge empire. Generally speaking, India was ruled by about 10,000 British civil servants, whereas in Palestine, there were tens of thousands of British people administering the territory. In places like India, the British could work with locals to establish a police force, but in Israel, it wasn't possible to do that because they couldn't find locals who would police each other's communities fairly.
There were Arabs recruited into the Palestine police, as well as Jews, but they didn't work together. My grandfather worked with the Palestinian Arab policemen and officers. A few years ago, I went to Israel while supporting the DAN program, which is the European education program for the second generation. I was invited to accompany them to Israel, even though I was in agony, expecting a hip replacement. I thought it would be impossible for me to go, but I said yes. Two weeks before I went, I received an email from a gentleman named Garcia Abdullah through LinkedIn, who wanted to work together on an educational project. I had no idea who he was, but I wrote back and told him about my work in Russia and the UK. I mentioned that I would be in Israel in two weeks and asked if he would like to meet up. We met for coffee in the American Colony Hotel in East Jerusalem and exchanged stories about our families.
One extraordinary story I want to share involves a young man who discovered a photograph of his father. He showed it to his mother, who confirmed that one of the people in the photograph was indeed his dad. This revelation sent tingles up my spine, connecting me to the spirit world. After this encounter, he began speaking to a group about peace and his personal experiences, which led him to become involved in peace activism. He established his own NGO focused on education, democracy, and human rights. I gave him some books I had written or co-authored, including one titled 'My Journey in Life', which he later expressed a desire to translate into Arabic.
Over several months, we collaborated on this translation, as I felt it was essential to work together. I managed to raise funds with the help of many people, and eventually, his first book was translated into Arabic. The second book followed a year later, and they were distributed to libraries across the West Bank. Although the COVID-19 pandemic delayed the introduction of these books into schools, copies were eventually provided to school leaders in Arab schools in Israel and Palestine. The goal was to start discussions in schools, particularly in Janine, a town known for its extremism.
During a teacher's workshop in Janine, educators expressed that these books were exactly what they needed in Palestinian schools. An educational psychologist noted the rising extremism among young people, who were resorting to violence. He wanted to introduce these books into the most challenging schools in the Palestinian territories. Abdullah, the psychologist, is a Muslim, and his wife, a retired English teacher from an Anglican school in East Jerusalem, translated the book into Arabic. The book includes chapters on the lives and teachings of the founders of major religions, such as Judaism, Islam, Christianity, Confucianism, and Buddhism, aiming to foster understanding among different faiths.
Abdullah's vision was to help people see beyond stereotypes and assumptions, recognising the humanity in one another regardless of religion. He believed it was possible to be a good Jew, Christian, Confucian, or Muslim, and that mutual respect and appreciation were essential. I was grateful to support his efforts, and recently, I was invited to give a talk to Palestinian teachers via Zoom, which I was very happy to do.
Shifting to historical context, the land was allocated by the League of Nations to be a Jewish homeland. However, not many Jews emigrated there initially. Britain began administering the area and invested heavily in rebuilding Jerusalem. In 1921, Britain, without the League's permission, halted Jewish settlement in certain areas, forcing those who had already moved to relocate to the West Bank. This decision led to the influx of Arab labourers from surrounding regions, as many sought work in the agricultural projects established by Jewish settlers.
During this time, Palestinian nationalism began to rise, largely influenced by figures like Muhammad Amin al-Husseini, who was a fervent anti-Zionist. He instigated violence against Jews and represented the emerging Palestinian identity. The first British High Commissioner, Herbert Samuel, a Jew himself, struggled with the complexities of his role. He was perceived as weak and too accommodating to the extremist Arab factions, which created significant challenges for governance in Palestine. Samuel's decision to appoint al-Husseini as the Grand Mufti was particularly controversial, as it undermined the local democratic processes and exacerbated tensions between communities.
The feeling towards Arabs is terrible, and my aunt still lives in Israel. She can't stand the way that Jews have emigrated to Israel from Russia and other places. She talks about Palestinians and Arabs living in Israel, saying, 'Why are these people living here?' My aunt responds, 'They've been living here a lot longer than you.' There is a huge amount of animosity, not just on the Palestinian Arab side, but also on the Jewish side. This wrong attitude towards Arabs, who have been living there for a long time, is quite intense, spanning over a thousand years.
During the 1930s, Jews, due to the persecution they faced in Germany and throughout Europe, sought unlimited immigration to Palestine. They verbally and violently rejected British attempts to limit immigration. For the British, administering Palestine became increasingly difficult; the more Jews that arrived, the more upset the Arabs became, leading to increased violence and demonstrations. Not only were Jews attacked, but British soldiers and police faced attacks as well. This situation also led to the rise of Jewish terrorism against the British, with groups like the Irgun and Lehi emerging. From my perspective, these individuals were psychologically damaged by their experiences in Europe, and they viewed the British as worse than the Nazis, which is obviously a distorted perspective.
My own grandfather was an important official in the Palestine police. One day, he was supposed to travel somewhere but, for some reason, he sent someone else in his car. That car was blown up by a Jewish terrorist, killing his driver. It was a significant shock for our family. On another occasion, while my family was having tea on a balcony, a bullet came through and narrowly missed my mother's head, again from a Jewish terrorist trying to assassinate my grandfather, despite him being married to a Jew. The situation was very intense.
On the other hand, Arabs opposed Jewish immigration, fearing it would lead to a Jewish majority and the loss of their country. They verbally and violently attacked those allowing it. From a Christian point of view, Jews were seen as having failed and were no longer considered the chosen people. The Vatican did not recognise the state of Israel until the 1970s because it was theologically impossible for them to accept a Jewish state after the Jews allegedly rejected and murdered Jesus. This belief made it difficult for both Christians and Muslims to accept the existence of a Jewish state.
Muslims also believe that once a land is Muslim, it remains so forever. This perspective was echoed by Osama bin Laden, who argued that Spain, which was Muslim for a thousand years, should still be regarded as a Muslim country despite being taken over by Christians 400 years ago. This mindset complicates the situation further, making it very difficult for Britain to administer Palestine. The British faced attacks from both Jews and Arabs, and maintaining order was nearly impossible. Within the British establishment, there was significant disunity, with two main factions: British Zionists and British Arabists. The Arabists opposed the existence of a Jewish state, viewing Jewish immigration as a threat to British interests in the Arab world, particularly regarding oil.
The British had to consider the geopolitical landscape, as supporting Israel could alienate numerous Arab countries. There were many Arab nations, while there was only one Jewish state. If Britain supported Israel, it risked upsetting its relationships with 15 other countries. Additionally, latent anti-Semitism existed within British society. My grandfather, for instance, faced difficulties in his career due to his marriage to a Jewish woman. He was not allowed to take my grandmother to British clubs because Jews were not permitted there, reflecting the prevailing anti-Semitic attitudes.
When my grandparents moved to England after 1952, my grandfather wanted to return to Livingston, New Hampshire, a very English town. However, my grandmother, being Jewish, refused to be the only Jew in town. They eventually settled in Hampstead, where there was a more cosmopolitan environment with a larger Jewish community, making her feel more comfortable. Meanwhile, British Zionists supported Jewish immigration due to their legal obligations under the League of Nations mandate and for humanitarian reasons, understanding the dire situation in Europe. Some were motivated by religious beliefs, tracing back to the 17th century when Oliver Cromwell and the Puritans welcomed Jews back to England, believing that the second advent of Christ could not occur without Jews in the world.
The British policy fluctuated, often yielding to the community that used the most violence. This approach led to significant resentment on both sides. Palestinians hated the British for allowing Jews to immigrate, while Israeli Jews resented the British for not permitting enough Jewish immigration. The situation was incredibly challenging to manage. Looking at the demographics of Jerusalem, by 1910, 65% of the population were Jews, with a small number of Muslims and Christians. The Jewish proportion remained relatively steady, while the Muslim population increased as many Arab Muslims settled in Jerusalem and elsewhere, leading to a significant demographic shift. The Christian population, however, declined due to emigration as many Christian Palestinians left, feeling squeezed by both Jews and Muslims, which is quite sad as a larger Palestinian Christian community could have facilitated better relationships.
In terms of the overall demographics of Palestine, in 1914, the Jewish population was around 7%, while Arabs made up the majority. After the British took control in 1920, there was a significant increase in Arab immigration into Palestine. Initially, there were not many Jews, and even those who declared it a Jewish homeland did not migrate in large numbers until anti-Semitism began to rise in Europe. This led to a larger influx of Jews into Palestine. By the time we look at the demographics of Israel today, the Jewish population has remained around 80%, while the Arab population has also increased.
One common accusation is that Israel is a European colony. However, many Jews living in Israel do not identify as Europeans, especially considering the persecution they faced. In 1933, just before the Nazis came to power, there were three million Jews in Europe, with only half a million in Germany. The proportion of Jews in Germany was similar to that in Britain and France, and particularly high in Poland and the Soviet Union. As the Nazis rose to power, many Jews fled Europe, seeking refuge wherever they could, including Latin America and the United States, while some managed to reach Palestine. However, it was challenging for them to gain entry, as many countries refused to accept Jewish refugees, leading to tragic outcomes during the Holocaust.
The extent of the Holocaust was devastating, with two out of every three Jews in Europe murdered. After the war, the United Nations was established to replace the League of Nations, reaffirming the need for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. However, unlike the League of Nations, the United Nations proposed a partition that included only part of the land, leading to further complications in the region.
When Britain separated Israel into two, the idea was that this whole land would be for Jews, while the east bank of the River Jordan would be for Arabs. However, not many Jews wanted to come and live there, so a lot of Arabs moved in. After the war, the United Nations, inheriting the mandate from the League of Nations, took responsibility and decided what to do with this land. Following a survey, the United Nations came up with a partition plan, designating areas overwhelmingly Jewish in orange to form the state of Israel, while the yellow areas, which were predominantly Arab and more fertile, were to be part of Palestine. The plan was theoretical and abstract, proposing a two-state solution with Jerusalem under international control. Most Jews accepted the plan, acknowledging it was not what they originally wanted but agreeing to it nonetheless. In contrast, the Arab leadership, both in and out of Palestine, rejected the plan outright, including Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, and all the Arab countries in North Africa. Britain itself refused to implement the plan, understanding it was impossible to execute, and ended the mandate on 15th May 1948.
In the lead-up to Britain's departure, a massacre occurred, resulting in the deaths of 107 Arabs. This incident, along with the presence of Jewish extremists, led many Arab villagers to flee, fearing for their safety as the mandate ended. In retaliation, a Jewish medical convoy was attacked, resulting in the deaths of 77 Jewish medical staff and civilians. This cycle of violence escalated before Britain left, culminating in Israel's declaration of independence the day before Britain departed. On the same day, an Arab declaration was made to create a united state of Palestine, and Israel was subsequently invaded by five Arab armies. During this tumultuous period, my mother and her family sought refuge in Beirut, returning later to find refugees occupying their garden.
The territory proposed for Israel by the United Nations in 1947 was contested fiercely. Despite being attacked by five Arab armies, the Israelis managed to defend themselves, having secretly stockpiled arms during the mandate. They not only defended their territory but also expanded it significantly, achieving a new frontier agreed upon in the 1949 armistice, which largely defines Israel's shape today. The West Bank was annexed by Jordan, while the Gaza Strip was annexed by Egypt. When the state of Israel was created, many refugees emerged from various regions. Approximately 600,000 Jews were expelled or encouraged to leave Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, and other countries, leaving behind their homes and possessions to settle in Israel. In contrast, around 720,000 Palestinians fled to Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, the West Bank, and Gaza, but they were not granted citizenship in these countries and remained in refugee camps.
The plight of Jewish refugees from Arab countries is often overlooked. Many had lived in places like Baghdad for over two and a half thousand years, yet they were forced to leave without compensation. While 600,000 settled in Israel and were granted citizenship, education, and employment, the situation for Palestinians was starkly different. A Jordanian newspaper reported that Arab states encouraged Palestinian Arabs to leave temporarily to avoid the conflict with invading armies, with the expectation that they could return after the Jews were driven out. However, the reality was that Israel emerged victorious, and the homes of 700,000 Palestinians became vacant, while 600,000 Jews from Arab countries settled in those areas.
The response to this situation varied significantly between Jews and Arabs. Jewish refugees, known as Arab Jews, integrated into Israeli society, learned Hebrew, and moved forward without a narrative of reclaiming their former homes. In contrast, Arab countries, including Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia, refused to grant citizenship to Palestinians, keeping them in refugee camps for generations. The international community, through the United Nations, established a fund to resettle refugees, but it remained untouched. The prevailing sentiment among Arab states was that any solution to the Palestinian problem must ensure the refugees' right to return to Israel, effectively seeking to annihilate the state of Israel.
In 1967, tensions escalated as Egypt requested the removal of UN peacekeepers from Sinai and mobilised military forces. The situation was further exacerbated when Egypt, Jordan, and Syria signed a military pact, preparing for invasion. President Nasser of Egypt declared that the objective was to destroy Israel, while other Arab leaders echoed similar sentiments. In response to the imminent threat, Israel launched a pre-emptive strike against Egypt and Syria, destroying their airfields. Jordan, initially reluctant to engage, ultimately attacked Israel as well. Within days, Israel drove Jordanian forces out of East Jerusalem and the West Bank, territories that had been annexed by Jordan. The Israeli army's intention was not to occupy but to reunite Jerusalem, which led to the unexpected occupation of the West Bank and the Golan Heights, culminating in a ceasefire on 11th June 1967. Following this, the eight Arab countries declared no peace, recognition, or negotiations with Israel. Initially, there were few Israeli settlements in the occupied territories, as Israel did not desire this land.
Israel did not want the West Bank, Gaza, or Sinai; all it wanted was peace. It sought to return Sinai and Gaza back to Egypt as part of a peace deal, and to return the West Bank to Jordan as part of a peace deal with Jordan. However, it would never return the Golan Heights because it is strategically significant and important. The situation became complicated as settlements began to emerge, and Jews started to emigrate to these lands after the war. Initially, there were no settlements in the West Bank, and very few Jews moved there for several years. It was only after 1977, under the Likud government, that settlements were encouraged for various political reasons, leading to a significant increase in the Jewish population in the West Bank.
The settlements built in the West Bank were generally located on hills, areas where no one had lived before, making them more secure. However, these settlements were declared illegal by United Nations resolutions, which Israel contests, claiming that some of this land was purchased while other parts were taken in various ways. Unfortunately, settlements now occupy 50% of Palestinian land in the West Bank, creating a complex situation with no continuous connection between Palestinian and Jewish areas. The manner in which this land was taken often violated due process and natural justice, leading to numerous human rights violations against Palestinians.
I visited a friend, Abdullah, who lives in East Jerusalem. He resides in a block of flats owned by Palestinians, but the Israeli authorities have sought to claim this area for Jewish settlement. They examined old maps to determine land ownership and scrutinised planning permissions for the flats. It turned out that the flats were slightly larger than permitted, leading to a ruling that they had to be demolished. Despite Abdullah and his neighbours proving ownership of the land, they were denied the opportunity to reapply for planning permission to legitimise the extra space. This situation exemplifies a violation of natural rights and highlights the painful reality faced by many Palestinians.
The aftermath of the Six-Day War left Arab nations humiliated, with their armies defeated and significant land lost. There was no negotiation for peace, despite Israel's willingness. On Yom Kippur in 1973, Arab countries launched a surprise attack on Israel, aiming to eliminate the state. Initially, they made significant progress, but Israel eventually pushed back and regained control. This conflict allowed Arab nations to regain some dignity, as they had managed to defeat Israel, albeit temporarily. A few years later, President Sadat of Egypt made a courageous visit to Israel, leading to peace talks and a treaty that resulted in Israel withdrawing from Sinai. However, Egypt refused to take back the Gaza Strip, leaving Israel to occupy it, which has remained a contentious issue.
The U.S. provided substantial financial support to both Egypt and Israel following the peace treaty. Until that time, Egypt had been aligned with the Soviet Union, which had initially recognised Israel's independence. However, the geopolitical landscape shifted, and the U.S. sought to separate Egypt from Soviet influence. Sadat's peace efforts were met with backlash, leading to his assassination in 1981. Making peace is challenging; without support from the populace, leaders risk their lives. Sadat's assassination illustrated the dangers faced by those who sought peace with Israel.
The peace agreement with Egypt did not lead to any changes in the relationships between Israel and the Palestinians, nor with Jordan or Syria. This stagnation contributed to the first Intifada, a spontaneous uprising by Palestinians frustrated with the lack of progress. They sought independence and were disillusioned by the Arab nations that had failed to support them in establishing a Palestinian state when they had the chance. The uprising was marked by unarmed Palestinians throwing stones, resulting in significant casualties on both sides, including many children. This period of violence deepened the divide between Israelis and Palestinians, while simultaneously strengthening Palestinian identity.
The international community began to criticise Israel due to the rising number of casualties, leading to a shift in global sentiment against Israel. This change damaged Israel's economy, particularly in tourism, as fewer visitors came to sites like Bethlehem. Eventually, these tensions led to the Madrid Conference and the Oslo Accords in 1993, mediated by President Clinton. During this time, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin sought to establish peace and recognised the PLO as the representative of the Palestinians. This marked a significant shift, as Israel agreed to withdraw from Gaza and the West Bank, while the PLO recognised Israel's right to exist, a crucial step in the peace process.
The whole legal foundation was based upon Versailles, the League of Nations, and the United Nations, where Arab countries refused to recognise its right to exist. The PLO also did that, which was a big step forward because you can't talk to someone unless you're willing to recognise their right to exist. How can you talk to somebody unless they acknowledge that you have a right to exist? You can't do it. That's a precondition for any kind of peace or conversational discussion; we have to accept each other's right to exist. That's basic. The PLO, in its turn, renounced terrorism, which had been involved with violence and the desire to destroy Israel. The Palestinian Liberation Organisation had been the main terrorist organisation during that time. Not all Palestinians accepted the PLO; many of the leaders were Palestinian Christians. The reactions among Palestinians were different. Extremist Muslim Palestinians established Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front. These are other Palestinian groups that rejected the accords and Israel's right to exist. Until today, Hamas does not acknowledge or recognise Israel's right to exist, any more than Hezbollah, for example.
That was the beginning, and then there was Washington. On the basis of the Washington Declaration, signed by Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan, it settled the border and normalised relations between Jordan and Israel, which is something Israel had longed to do. Jordan's position as a guardian of the Muslim holy sites in Jerusalem remains firm. Up until today, I think Jordan has continued to administer the Al-Aqsa Mosque on the Temple Mount, and Israel has no authority over that area within Jerusalem. Just like Sadat was assassinated, Rabin was also assassinated. There were Jews on the extreme end who didn't like the compromise that Rabin had made. I remember this; I was in Moscow at the time. I thought this was a disaster. The next ten years, nothing will happen; it's a total disaster. But that's the problem: if you're a peacemaker and you go too far out, then you get a reaction against it. The same happened to Gandhi, who was assassinated by a Hindu nationalist. Rabin was assassinated by a Jewish nationalist; thank God not by a Muslim or Arab.
From Arafat's point of view, it was really difficult for him to negotiate because he realised that if he went too far in reaching a settlement with Israel, which naturally requires compromise on both sides, he felt he would get assassinated as well. So, he could only go so far. That's why education is so important. Leadership means you lead people in a certain direction; you can't go too far ahead of all the people you're supposed to be leading, or they'll kill you. Leadership means education. You have to educate people so they understand what it is you're doing, your vision, and where you want to take them. They need to support you, and the whole community has to move along. It's so important to do this. It may take longer, but it's more important than trying to do something radical that backfires, leading to someone getting assassinated and things going into reverse, which often happens. That was a disaster, a tragedy.
One of the things that Rabin did was build the Gaza separation barrier. After the clarion guards, Gaza was going to be independent and separate. A lot of suicide bombers and terrorists were coming up from Gaza, so they built a wall to keep Gaza out of Tel Aviv, where many suicide bombers used to come and blow up buses. Since 1996, when this barrier was built, suicide bombers have been prevented from entering Israel, and the whole tension has gone down. Hamas, unable to send in suicide bombers, developed rockets, which they've been firing at Israel ever since. Then Clinton, Barak, and Arafat met together to negotiate the final state settlement, but they couldn't find agreement. Arafat could move so far, but he couldn't move as far as necessary. There was no agreement over three issues: territory, meaning where the borders were going to be and settlements; Jerusalem; and the Temple Mount. The Temple Mount is not such an issue in my opinion, as it's administered by Jordan, but the Palestinians wanted to have Jerusalem as their capital. I think I'll come back to this tomorrow; no, it's going to be too long. I'll stop here.